Bamboo diplomacy
The land of lotus flowers, where ancient wisdom echoes through the centuries, has become a key player in Southeast Asia. Once a divided and war-torn country, Vietnam is now a symbol of stability and growth in the regional arena. With a population of more than 100 million, Vietnam is Southeast Asia’s third most populous country, followed by Indonesia and the Philippines, and the fifteenth-most populous country globally. This country has shown that the non-alignment policy has not entirely gone into oblivion by pioneering something internationally termed “bamboo diplomacy”. Vietnam illustrates the metaphor for a principled foreign policy. The bamboo is strong and resilient yet flexible enough to bend under pressure. This term was introduced into the diplomatic vocabulary by Nguyễn Phú Trọng, the deceased Vietnamese politician, the former President, and the General Secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam. To understand the modern balancing model of “not too close, not too far”, we must take a step back into the past.
Vietnam’s art of non-alignment
The final product of the Cold War was the USA as the sole superpower. At the same time, China, throughout the early years of the new millennium, began its rise as the main challenger to the American ambition of maintaining unipolarity. Regardless of the spirit of the Vietnam War that pervades the people and political decision-makers, Vietnam had to adapt to the new circumstances by improving relations with Washington. The strategic change was directed by the Chinese threat and rivalry of influence in Laos and Cambodia and the dispute with China in the South China Sea. But bamboo diplomacy made China’s varying approaches to the Philippines and Vietnam possible. While China punished the Philippines for resupplying missions to the Second Rhomas Shoal, Beijing had remained silent on the island expansion program of Vietnam. A more lenient attitude towards Vietnam does not mean that China will remain blind to Vietnamese expansion, but rather that it will accept the Vietnamese balancing strategy in which China can position itself well.
Even before China’s rise in economic and technological avenues, China had regarded Vietnamese-style communism as troublesome and could never compel Hanoi to pursue its interests. After Vietnam had invaded Cambodia to overthrow the Khmer Rouge regime, tensions boiled over into the border war between China and Vietnam in 1979. Beijing viewed the formation of a pro-Hanoi government in Phnom Penh as a direct affront to its interests. From the late 1970s to the end of the 1980s, Vietnam stood between the hostility of the United States (former wartime enemy) and China. It did not look kindly on a strong, united Vietnam exerting its influence in the region. Moscow remained Hanoi’s major ally until the end of the Cold War and the disintegration of the Soviet Union, which caused a major geopolitical earthquake. Hanoi and Washington formally established diplomatic relations in 1995, beginning a gradual political rapprochement and intensifying economic cooperation between the two states. China’s growing regional influence partially drove this development. At the same time, during the Obama administration’s “pivot to Asia” strategy, Vietnam received explicit U.S. support in countering Chinese expansionist claims in the South China Sea. Today, the two countries have relations at the level of a comprehensive strategic partnership, joint military exercises are regular, and the U.S. is Vietnam’s second-largest trading partner.
Who do you think is Vietnam’s top trade partner? China, of course. But also its primary political rival in the region. Despite historical conflicts and recurring South China Sea incidents (where Vietnam now deploys U.S. patrol boats), the economic bond between Beijing and Hanoi remains as unbreakable as bamboo. Bilateral trade surpassed $260 billion in 2024. This “bamboo diplomacy” is based on an economic pragmatism that disregards ideology. With respect to Russia, Vietnam pursues a policy of measured neutrality on Ukraine and has abstained from nearly all UN resolutions condemning Moscow. Its “comprehensive strategic partnership” with Russia, unlike those with the U.S. or China, has endured untarnished for half a century. Vietnam resists Cold War-style regional polarization, rejecting formal alliances (unlike Thailand or the Philippines). Its balancing act reflects a doctrine of “three NOs’”: NO military blocs, NO foreign bases, NO aligning with one country against another.
Future projection
Vietnam’s philosophy to survive, maintain independence and prosper requires complex foreign policy strategies. Therefore, Vietnam has no intention of tightening its political relationship with China, but it is necessary to remain firm in defending territorial waters. Profiting from the economic relationship with Beijing will continue even more strongly in all areas where possible (especially infrastructure and technology). Vietnam shares deeper political and ideological affinities with China than it seems at first glance. Both countries are communist with one dominant political party. Both countries follow the path of economic liberalism while maintaining control over political liberalization. Mirroring China’s approach, Vietnam implemented a politicized anti-corruption campaign dubbed the “Blazing Furnace”, designed to purge party cadres and consolidate internal discipline.
As the new leader after the death of Trong, his chief aide and right-hand man, To Lam, has emerged as the new leader. Much like his counterparts in Beijing, Lam is expected to govern in an authoritarian manner, systematically suppressing any political opposition to the regime. The regime’s stringent control over internet and social media censorship will not be a problem at all for continued cooperation with the U.S., which sees Vietnam exclusively as a geopolitical ally and a tool in balancing China. American criticisms regarding human rights violations will likely remain rhetorical rather than substantive, as Washington’s paramount interest lies in containing Chinese influence rather than promoting democratization in Southeast Asia. Although Vietnam has decided to refrain from reprehensible actions towards Russia, at the same time, it maintains good relations with Ukraine. They share a common history since thousands of Vietnamese migrant workers were in Ukraine during the Soviet era. This dual-track approach demonstrates Vietnam’s capacity to uphold the principled position of being a partner of the most powerful world powers without formalizing alliances, all while pursuing economic growth and adaptive geopolitical manoeuvring. The nation’s “bamboo diplomacy” continues to bend without breaking. Bamboo is flexible enough to withstand geopolitical pressures yet resilient enough to avoid fracture.
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