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WHO NEEDS
DIPLOMATS? THE PROBLEM OF DIPLOMATIC REPRESENTATION - Paul Sharp
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REPRESENTING IDEAS
Representing Ideas
Barbaros quote appears to provide one of those rare glimpses into what the
realist believes goes on behind the general depreciation of power. As an account of what
diplomats do, however, it is as inaccurate and incomplete as Morgenthaus reduction
of symbolic representation to one of the lesser instruments of state power. Diplomats have
never accepted that their only business is to advance the particular interests of their
states. They also see themselves as working for and, therefore, representing the idea of
peace. As Abba Eban notes, the words for messenger in both Greek (angelos) and Hebrew
(malach) have sacred, as well as secular, connotations.(13)
The use of both for messenger in general came before their use as messenger of God, but
diplomats and their defenders have happily used the association with the divine to
strengthen the idea that the profession serves a higher calling than, or as well as,
secular power. Certainly, the idea that diplomats serve peace predates that of serving the
prince. Over a half century before Barbaro, Bernard du Rosier declared that the
"business of the ambassador was peace" and that he was "sacred because he
acted in the general welfare."(14) Barbaro
assailed this orthodoxy because it raised "the gravest ethical problem...for
theory...the possibility of a conflict between the ambassadors duty to his prince
and his duty to peace."(15)
Secularism and statism were great spurs to the development of diplomacy as a
profession, but they did not overwhelm the earlier commitment to peace. Indeed, a shared
commitment to peace and saving their respective princes from themselves became hallmarks
of the profession, something which diplomats could hold in common to cement their sense of
corps and to gain some distance from their political leaderships. What it meant beyond
this is less easy to say. In commentaries on diplomacy, it is possible to identify at
least three conceptions of peace: minimalist, positivist, and transformationalist. None is
a watertight category, still less a school of diplomatic thought on peace.
The minimalist school focuses on the conduct of relations by peaceful means and the
peaceful resolution of disputes by negotiation. "Peace is usually better than war,
and the medium of intercourse between states should not itself become a source of
conflict."(16) Seventeenth-century princes were
driven to protect their interests through peace and diplomacy only after they had been
exhausted by war.(17) Ambassadors served peace when
peace served, but, in the meantime, their main purpose in talking to one another was to
ensure recognition from equals of the status their masters believed was their due.
Britains ambassador to West Germany in the 1960s saw his contribution to peace in
terms as describing "the other side of the story" either to his own ministers,
who "were sometimes reluctant to hear it," or to foreign governments.(18) Dobrynin saw his "fundamental task" as
"helping to develop a correct and constructive dialogue between the leaders of both
countries and maintaining the positive aspects of our relations wherever possible."
"To both sides," he "tried to be a reassuring presence in a very strained
world."(19)
While these are practical responses to the question of what it means to serve peace,
minimalism gives no more than an implicit answer to the question of what one should do
when the interests of peace and those of the prince fail to coincide. For de Wicquefort,
the diplomat should have an aversion to war only when war is no longer productive. Even
those more obviously associated with the peace tradition in diplomatic writings are not
entirely clear on this point. Du Rosier, for example, is usually interpreted as speaking
in defense of the respublica christiana or Gods order in the world as it faded
before the twin assaults of schismatics and rationalists. The ambassador should be
regarded as sacred because "he labours for the public good" and the "speedy
completion of an ambassadors business is in the interests of all."(20) Rather than seeking to restore Gods order, all
this maybe is a case of special pleading for diplomatic immunity at a time when travel was
dangerous and uncertain. Similar ambiguity can be found in the writings of François de
Callières, who suggests that we will understand diplomacy better if we think of the
states of Europe as joined by "all kinds of necessary commerce," as
"members of one Republic" where "no considerable change can take place in
any one. . .without affecting the condition, or disturbing the peace, of all the
others." He even speaks of a "freemasonry of diplomacy," in which all
members work for the "same end." It turns out, however, that the shared end is
nothing more than "to discover what is happening."(21)
Disappointing though this might be to those attracted by the grand rhetoric in which
some writers package their practical suggestions, these suggestions go beyond the
minimalist conception of diplomats as simply seeking to avoid war or prevent themselves
from being a source of further tension. Whether or not states preferred peace, they had to
agree upon procedures for communicating with one another, and these procedures could be
arranged to minimize their potential for becoming a source of unwanted conflict. This gave
rise to the positivist conception of peace, la raison de système, in which the
international system or society has its own qualities or even needs which impose a certain
logic, practical or prescriptive, on the behavior of its members. The sparse character of
la raison de système may be contrasted with the richer respublica christiana it
replaced.(22) The latter arose out of a sense of
universal law, while the former sees diplomacy as "an integral part of the minimal
conditions securing the existence of international society." This amounts to little
more than a corps diplomatique, which "had an independent existence, whose members
were all doing the same job and who would treat each other in a civilized way even when
their principles were at war."(23) Even in war,
life must go on, for diplomats at least, and this is the value which they need to
represent to their princes.
However, like all positivist accounts of emerging systems of order or rules which
possess their own logic, the argument for la raison de système has to distinguish those
developments which are consistent with the original conception from those which are not
and decide what to do about the latter. The corps diplomatique acquired a life of its own
and, by providing states with a better means of conducting their relations, appeared to
make possible a transformed international system in which the imperatives of states could
be transcended.(24) Even as the evolution of
diplomatic practice suggested such a possibility, the rise of popular sovereignty and its
consequences for international relations made it seem both desirable and necessary. Where
the people were sovereign, the business of diplomacy could no longer be to find a way of
living under conditions of anarchy. It had to construct a means of escape or perish as an
institution unsuited to the era of popular sovereignty.
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