 |
|
CURRENT
DEVELOPMENTS IN SOUTH AFRICAN DIPLOMACY - Marie Muller
|
|
|
CURRENT DEVELOPMENTS IN SOUTH
AFRICA FOREIGN POLICY: SOME ISSUSES AND INCIDENTS
Current Developments in South African
Foreign Policy: Some Issues and Incidents
Olivier and Geldenhuys described the evolution of South African foreign policy as
follows:
For symbolic and political reasons, the South African foreign policy continuum, which
existed since autonomy from British rule, had to come to an end with the accession of the
new ANC-dominated Government of National Unity (GNU) in 1994. The old regimes
foreign policy and culture had to make way for political legitimacy defined by the
ANCs vastly different political philosophy, external experience, constituency, and
priorities.(3)
A radical ideologically driven foreign policy was probably prevented by the necessity
of adaptation to the new post-Cold War world environment, a change which took place almost
in tandem with South Africas domestic transformation and implied a far more complex
external environment.(4) However, the new government
did bring about important philosophical shifts and many changes in emphasis and
priorities: the old regime was "philosophically right-wing oriented, uncompromisingly
pro-Western, critical to the point of being hostile to the Third World and its causes, and
sceptical about universal liberal ideals such as human rights and gender issues."(5) The shift in policy implied that priority would now
be given to the African continent and in particular Southern Africa, to the southern
hemisphere, the Non-Aligned Movement, and to universal moral and humanitarian issues.(6) This had a substantial impact on the frequency and
nature of contacts between South African leaders and their counterparts in the areas of
priority, and on South African involvement in international organisations, conferences and
agreements.
A lively debate has been taking place amongst academics and other observers of South
African foreign policy regarding how consistent and substantial support for universal
liberal ideals and human rights has actually been and the broad consensus seems to be
that, although the rhetoric is still there, actual practice has shown that the new South
African government may be influenced quite substantially by old friendships on the one
hand and pragmatism on the other.(7) The pragmatism
has probably been brought on by economic imperatives as well as some rather disappointing
failures in foreign policy (or diplomacy?). A case in point is the Nigerian case where
President Mandelas strong stance and attempt to get support for strong action
against the Nigerian regime after the hanging of the political dissidents, came to nothing
and turned into a loss of face. There is no room here to go into the debate, the merits of
the "broad consensus" mentioned or the question what South African should be
doing with regard to its "human rights foreign policy." The important issue here
is how South African foreign policy, such as it is, has shaped her diplomacy. As will
become clear below, policy and implementation (diplomacy) have in some cases been mutually
influential.
Foreign policy issue areas in which the new South Africa has made special efforts and
has had some considerable success, have included non-proliferation and disarmament of
weapons of mass destruction and of conventional weapons, including land-mines. According
to the Department of Foreign Affairs, South Africas policy of non-proliferation,
disarmament and arms control forms an integral part of its commitment to democracy, human
rights, sustainable development, social justice and environmental protection.(8) The primary goal of this policy is to reinforce and
promote South Africa as a responsible producer, possessor and trader of advanced
technologies in the nuclear, biological, chemical and conventional arms fields and in
implementing it high priority is given to nuclear, chemical, biological, missile delivery
systems non-proliferation, conventional arms export control, small arms non-proliferation
as well as working towards a ban on anti-personnel landmines.(9)
According to a document on this aspect of policy,(10)
South Africa is generally accepted by countries from the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) as
well as the developing world, especially the Nuclear Weapons States, as a leader in the
field. South Africa is seen as having the standing and the capacity to promote dialogue
and interaction between the developed world on the one hand, while on the other, address
the concerns of the developing world that they do not acquire the technology they need for
their development. The South African government, therefore, supports all bilateral and
multilateral initiatives to prevent the proliferation and development of such weapons on
the one hand and to promote total disarmament of these weapons on the other.
South Africas strong stance in the area of disarmament and arms control has not
meant that it ceased to function as an arms trader; as has been mentioned it merely
implied that it would act as a "responsible arms trader." The sale of arms is,
therefore, supposed to take place according to a fixed set of criteria.(11) However, the application of these criteria and the
resulting decisions about whom to sell to, may not necessarily correspond with what
others, notably the United States (US), would want to see happen. This has resulted in
some diplomatic difficulties for South Africa, as in the case of the leaking of
information on the possible sale of arms to Syria and the resultant tension in relations
with the US.(12)
As far as the impact of the shift in foreign policy on bilateral relations was
concerned, it was more a question of adding than changing.(13)
The old South Africa was very isolated and even ties with the Western countries were
restricted. Immediately after the 1990 De Klerk speech, which heralded real political
change in South Africa and started the country on the road to regaining respectability in
the international community, existing ties were beginning to be restored to normal and
some new ties (such as with Eastern Europe, due to changes there) were being forged.(14) After 1994, the new government did not bring about
changes in a zero-sum fashion.(15) Relations with the
West were not downgraded - in fact, in some ways these relations have been raised to
"a higher plateau than previously."(16)
However, many new ties were forged, including the cementing of relations with countries
formerly known for their animosity toward Pretoria and including some so-called pariah
states. Most African states (including the "pariah" Libya), India, Iran,
Pakistan, Syria, Mexico and Cuba, are examples of the new additions.(17) This "universal foreign policy" made
necessary a vast extension of South African diplomatic communications (permanent and ad
hoc). However, resource and other constraints (such as the lack of sufficiently trained
and experienced personnel) and special circumstances in individual cases, resulted in some
difficulties. In addition, relations with the "pariahs" have put a strain on
South Africas relations with the United States, necessitating some diplomatic
manoeuvring.(18)
The much debated and analysed love/hate triangle between South Africa, the Peoples
Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China/Taiwan, is another interesting foreign
policy and diplomatic case study.(19) It took the new
South African government quite some time to finally make a decision on the issue: prior to
the political change in South African diplomatic relations at ambassadorial level had been
maintained with Taiwan and this was retained after 1994. In the meantime a "special
type" of diplomatic representation was exchanged with the PRC. At the end of 1996 the
decision was finally made to opt for full diplomatic relations with the latter and to
downscale relations with Taiwan. At the end of 1997 this came into effect and the special
type of representation was now in place for Taiwan.(20)
|